History of Tests & Measurements Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

History of Tests & Measurements - Essay Example This essay will highlight five themes in the work of Kubiszyn and Borich (2010). Highlight on implications on the educational sector as well as teacher ability in relation to these tests will be focused on. It is evident that controversies have been witnessed in this filed. According to Kubiszyn and Borich (2010), educators need comprehensive and practical approaches for conducting assessments on their learners’ achievements and progress in the classroom setting. Their work is, therefore, one of the most comprehensive one, that teachers can incorporate in their classrooms to focus on the changes required in the classrooms. 2.0. Effects of tests on the Classroom Teacher Tests play a crucial role in the teaching and learning of concepts in the classroom setting. It is through tests that Shepard (2000) argues that teachers are able to keep track of the progress of his or her learners. Through tests, teachers are able to identify the weak points of their learners as well as their strengths. For instance, standardized tests are well known for the identification of learners’ strengths’ and weaknesses. ... Tests, according to McMillan (2000) are useful for determination of the best content to be covered by the learners. 3.0. Tests as Tools Analysts give varying views on the utility of tests, as a contributor of positive impacts in learning. Kubiszyn and Borich’s (2010), work indicates that tests are mere tools that are simply set to as a formality and no evidence can proof their validity. Not all students are in a position to understand the mechanics of all tests that are provided in the classroom. For instance, a well informed student may miss out a few particulars, in a particular test, and fail the entire exam. Does this mean that the student is a failure in that particular test or not? In this context, therefore, tests may not be regarded as useful means of assessments in the society. Tests, according to Burger & Krueger (2003) have an off-putting effect on the teaching and learning process. Tests administered during the learning process consume a lot of time that would have been used in covering the contents of the syllabus. Learners have acquired the skills of cramming certain tests used in learning process especially if they are aware that there is likelihood that those tests may be repeated at the end of the course. In short, tests overemphasize on the ability to learn fundamental skills by the learners instead of inculcating skills that will enable learners think critically and analyze situations in the society. In fact, statistics indicate that once tutors emphasize on teaching with the use of tests, there is likelihood, that learning records no change, though the scores of learning may escalate as a result of rote learning. In light to this argument, therefore, it is evident that tests cannot be indicated to be the best ways of

The Social Class Structures Sociology Essay

The Social Class Structures Sociology Essay The Sumerian civilization was one of the earliest in Mesopotamia. The Sumerians existed around 3500-1750 B.C. The Sumerian civilization was not discovered until the 19th century. The following manuscript will cover three key topics the Sumerian Creation Story, the compared social class system to the contemporary United States, and how the hierarchical structure set forth by the Sumerian Empire compares with our current criminal justice system. Lastly, the educational material will show the similarities and differences between the ancient Sumerian Empire and todays contemporary United States. This research will help individuals understand early civilizations and how they compare to todays society. The information discovered will also show how early civilizations built their societies. The Social Class Structures and Criminal Justice Systems of Sumerian and the United States Sumer was a collection of city states around the Lower Tigris and Euphrates rivers in what is now southern Iraq. It was a collection of farming villages. Each of these cities had individual rulers; although the leader of the dominant city could have been considered the king of the region. The Sumerians formed the earliest written language. Their religious beliefs also are found to have some similarities with the Bible, especially the book of Genesis. This essay will compare and contrast the Sumerian Empire and the United States. To compare and contrast the two the Sumerian Creation, social classes, and criminal justice system will be assessed. First, I will evaluate the story of the Sumerian Creation. Next, I will compare the different social classes between the Sumerian civilization and the United States. Lastly, I will discuss the hierarchical structure set forth by the Sumerian Empire compared to our current criminal justice system. Literature Review This literature review focuses on literature regarding Sumer and the Sumerian Creation Story, particularly focusing on the Sumerian social class hierarchy. Additionally, this literature review examines the contemporary social structure in the United States and the current criminal justice system. Discussion Sumerian Creation Story The Sumerians Creation Story begins with the earth and the heavens being created in the sea. The Sumerian myths have been pieced together due to the age of the remains found. After the earth and the heavens were created the gods created cities and each city had its own god. The male god, An, and the female god, Ki, gave birth to Enlil, the chief god of the pantheon. Enlil impregnated Ninlil, the goddess of wind, which created the moon. When the moon was created then it was time to create humans. The Sumerian gods created some humans out of silt or clay. From the evaluation of the Sumerians Creation Story similarities to the Bible can be found. As in Genesis, the Sumerians world is formed the heavens and earth are separated from one another by a solid dome. The second chapter of Genesis introduces the paradise Eden, a place which is similar to the Sumerian Dilmun. (Gen. 2:9-10) In the second version of the creation of man The Lord God formed man out of the clay of the ground and blew into his nostrils the breath of life, and so man became a living being. The Sumerian gods used a similar method in creating man (Kramer Maier p. 33). Sumerian and United States: Social Class The Sumerian social class is split into three social groups. These social groups consist of upper class, in-between class or middle class, and lowest class. At the top of the Sumerian upper class is the king and priests. The upper class also included landowners, government officials, and merchants. Something that stood out in the Sumerian social class was that women had more rights in early Sumer than in later Mesopotamia. Upper class women were priestesses. The Sumerian women were landowners, merchants, artisans, and most raised children. Slaves made up the lowest class along with prisoners, orphans, poor children, and debtors. The Sumerians used slaves as cheap labor. Sumerians allowed slaves the right to do business, borrow money, and buy freedom. In the United States the economists and sociologists have not devised exact guidelines for the social classes. Instead there are two set classes including the three-class model that consist of the rich, middle class, and the poor. In the three-class model the rich of course have the wealth, middle class consist of those who work white collar jobs, and the poor are the blue collar workers or those who are unemployed. The other model that is most commonly used is the five-class model including upper class, upper-middle, middle-middle, lower-middle, and lower class. In the five-class model it is broke down a little more. The upper class term is applied to the blue bloods who are the families who are multi-generational wealth. These families also have leadership in high society. The rest of the upper class is followed by those who have made significant investment off of capital and stock options as well as the corporate elite who have high salary jobs such as being a Chief Executive Offi cers (CEO). The upper middle class consists of highly-educated salaried professional: physicians, lawyers, scientists, and professors. The upper middle class tends to have a great influence over society. The middle class and the lower middle class seem to overlap. The middle class consists of semi-professionals, craftsmen, office staff, and sales employees. These people often have college degrees. The lower middle class often includes the same professions except for those in the lower middle class do not have a college degree. Those without the college degree are often on the entry level in those careers. The low class is the blue collar workers. These blue collar workers are considered the working poor. Most of the population in the United States is considered the working class or the working poor. Sumerian and United States: Criminal Justice System The Sumerian legal system, one of the earliest known criminal justice systems, focused on a citizens compliance with the social norms and religious beliefs of the day. Regardless of social class, strict compliance with orders and instructions was rewarded, while failure to comply was punished (Sterba, 1976, p. 25). Such punishment was commensurate with the injury (Sterba, 1976). The Sumerians established a system of laws to deal with personal injuries, slave issues, sexual offenses, marital problems, and agricultural disputes ´ (Milosavljevic, 2007, p. 7). Regulating the behavior of its citizens helped keep the social order. From its earliest days, the criminal justice system in America has served to protect the interests of the rich, property-owning classes. Crime is often associated with the working poor and the underclass (Jargowsky Park, 2009). Because of this, crime is often a problem in urban areas with low income levels. Elevated crime levels have been attributed to neighborhood social disorganization stemming from urban structural changes, residential instability, and racial/ethnic transitions (Jargowsky Park, 2009, p.30). The contemporary criminal justice system has been viewed as a means of regulating class interests by insuring that enforcement efforts are directed toward the regulation of the poor. (Weiner, 1975, p. 436). Conclusion There are several differences between Sumer and contemporary American society. For instance, the position of women is markedly different in the two social structures. Additionally, slavery no longer exists in the United States, eliminating this lowest of social classes. The communal lifestyle of Sumer stands in sharp contrast to the capitalist society of the United States. Finally, the criminal justice systems of these two societies have different goals and objectives. Among the differences between Sumer and the United States is the position of women in society. In Sumer, it was the male citizens who comprised the assembly of elders and who controlled the power and wealth of the community. Unlike in Sumer, the United States is no longer controlled exclusively by men. In the United States, the proclamation that  ³all men are created equal ´ has been interpreted to include women as well as people from all social classes. The Fourteenth Amendments Equal Protection clause guarantees that no state shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws (U.S. Const. Amend. XIV). Thus, people of all classes, as well as women, are protected equally by the laws of the United States. Another difference between Sumer and the United States is slavery. Until 1863, slavery was legal in the United States (Harr Hess, 2002).The Emancipation Proclamation officially freed the slaves and outlawed slavery (Harr Hess, 2002). Those in the slave states did not immediately comply with the Emancipation Proclamation (Harr Hess, 2002). The Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution abolished slavery in America (U.S. Const. Amend. XIII). In contrast, slaves made up the lowest social class in Sumer. Unlike in the United States, the people of Sumer had a communal lifestyle. People did not work for money, nor did they compete to get rich at the expense of other individuals. The great majority safely depended on the head of their estate to fill their needs, and he, in turn, depended on them to increase and protect his wealth and position (Ellison, 1964, p. 22). Further, each city was conceived to be the special concern of one of the gods in Mesopotamia, and in a sense the equalitarianism of government placed each man in the position of being a guardian of that gods interests (Ellison, 1964, p. 24). In contrast, the United States has both urban and rural communities in which people work for money and attempt to better their social situation. Additionally, under capitalism people work for their own self-interests and have an opportunity to change their social class by getting an education and accumulating greater wealth. The objective of the criminal justice system in these two societies differed as well. In Sumer, punishment for crime attempted to make the victim whole again or was retribution commensurate with the type of harm inflicted. The Sumerian code of Ur-Nammu focused on restitution as the primary approach to criminal justice (Van Ness, 1991). In the United States, crime is defined as an offense against the State instead of against a specific individual (Van Ness, 1991). Because of this, the offender is not held personally responsible for restoring the victim. However, restitution is sometimes made part of sentencing and victims rights are becoming more important within the criminal justice system. The cultures, social class hierarchies, and legal systems of Sumer and the United States are significantly different; yet, the class structure and criminal justice system of Sumer offers unique insights into our own society. The similarities and differences highlight the importance of understanding where civilization began and where we intend to go from here. Because of the complexity of the relationship between social class and crime, it is vital to remain aware of the goals of the criminal justice system.

Woodlot Eco-Boxes Essay :: essays research papers

I observed many different organisms in the woodlot, including both heterotrophs and autotrophs. The producers I found include birch trees, sugar maples, white pines, grasses, and berries, as well as various weeds and small plants. The consumers that I observed were all first-order consumers and included ants, grasshoppers, a salamander, spiders, and other species of bugs. Decomposers visible in the woodlot included fungi, mold, and mosses. There were some traces of indirect animal evidence left in the woodlot. For example, I noticed unbroken paintballs, which is a sign of humans trespassing in the woodlot. I also observed plants with holes, which showed decay and diseases and could have been accomplished by other organisms eating the producers.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are many steps that show the flow of energy in the woodlot community. The sun gives off light and heat energy to the heterotrophs. Producers use the light from the sun, nutrients in the soil, and chemical energy in the process of photosynthesis. The producers are then either consumed by first-order consumers, or are broken down by decomposers such as fungi, which uses mycelium to absorb nutrients from the plants. I did not notice any second or third order consumers present in the woodlot to consume the first order consumers, however I did notice traces of them in forms such as burrows under rocks, and holes in the ground. There is a constant flow of mechanical energy in the woodlot, as animals use it when they eat.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Yes, the woodlot does support the â€Å"ecological pyramid† concept. First, there is interaction among organisms, and there is a good balance of heterotrophs and autotrophs, which create a thriving environment of both types of organisms.

Tiffany Case

The case In July l993 . Tiffany& Company concluded an agreement with its Japanese distributor, Mitsukoshi Ltd. that would fundamentally change its business in Japan. Under the new agreement, Tiffany’s wholly owned subsidiary, Tiffany& Company Japan Inc. (Tiffany-Japan), assumed management responsibilities in the operation of 29 Tiffany &Company boutiques previously operated by Mitsukoshi in its stores and other locations in Japan.Tiffany looked forward to the new arrangement, as it was now responsible for millions of dollars in inventory that it previously sold wholesale to Mitsukoshi, resulting in enhanced revenues in Japan derived from higher retail prices. It was also apparent, however, that fluctuations in the yen/dollar exchange rate would now affect the dollar value of its Japanese sales, which would be realized in yen. Since Japanese sales were large and still growing, it seemed evident such fluctuations substantial impact on Tiffany's future financial performance. Comp any BackgroundFounded in New York in 1837,Tiffany ;Company was an internationally renowned-retailer, designer, manufacturer ,and distributor of luxury goods . The famous blue-box company found its initial success in fine jewelry, most notably diamonds, but had since expanded its product line to include timepieces, china, crystal, silverware, and other luxury accessories. In the fiscal year ending January 31, l993 (FY1992), Tiffany earned $15. 7million on revenues of $486. 4million and had total assets of$419. 4 million. Recent financial statements are provided in Exhibits 1and 2.An historical summary of operations is provided in Exhibit 3. After more than a century of independence, Tiffany was acquired by Avon Products, Inc. in 1979. For the next several years, Avon, a nationwide door-to-door cosmetics marketer, worked to expand Tiffany's product line to reach beyond its traditional affluent customer base to the larger middle market. While this diversification strategy resulted in e nhanced sales for Tiffany from $84million in l979to $124million in l983, operating expenses as a percentage of sales grew inordinately from 34%to 43% in 1978and l983, respectively.Avon soon realized that Tiffany's traditional market niche was substantially different than its own and, in l984, decided to put the company up for sale. The most attractive offer came from Tiffany's own management, who agreed to buy back Tiffany's equity and the Fifth Avenue store building for a total of $135. 5 million. In what ultimately took the form of a leveraged buyout (L B O), the terms of the deal distributed virtually all of the equity shares to three key investor groups. Management ended up with 20% of total equity shares.Investcorp, the Bahrain-and London-based merchant bank that backed management in the deal, received 49. 8%of total equity shares. The third player, General Electric Credit Corporation(GECC), ended up with 25. 7%of total equity shares. 1t was through an $85 million credit arrang ement with GECC that management was able to refinance a substantial portionof the purchase price. The aftermath of the LBO was marked by very tight free cash flow coupled with significant growth potential on the horizon.After the company had once again become profitable and realizing that the company's growth prospects demanded more cash than could be generated internally, in 1987,management offered Tiffany stock to the public at approximately $15 a share(adjusted for a subsequent stock split). In l989,Mitsukoshi purchased l. 5 million shares of Tiffany's common stock from GECC. As of January31, 1993, Mitsukoshi owned approximately 14% of Tiffany stock, the largest percentage of any single institutional investor.Three other institutional investors collectively owned approximately 26% of the stock, followed by all Tiffany executive officers and directors as a group at 4. 9%. In l993, Tiffany was organized into three distribution channels: U. S. retail, direct marketing, and internati onal retail. U. S. retail included retail sales in Tiffany-operated stores in the United States and wholesale sales to independent retailers in North America. The l6 stores in this channel accounted for 50% of total sales in FY 1992 Direct marketing, representing the smallest channel of distribution, consisted of corporate and catalog sales .In FY 1992, its sales represented 18% of Tiffany’s total sales. International retail, which included retail sales through Tiffany-operated stores and boutiques, corporate sales, and wholesale sales to independent retailers and distributors, primarily in the Far East and Europe, accounted for 32% of total sales in FY1992. Jewelry sales from all three channels accounted for 65% of 1993 sales, making jewelry the most significant product line. Exhibit 4 provides financial results of Tiffany’s domestic and foreign operations.The past several years for Tiffany were marked by a trend of international expansion, beginning in1986 when it op ened a flagship retail store in London. Additional flagship stores were then opened in Munich and Zurich in 1987 and 1988, respectively. In 1990, the Zurich store was expanded. Stores were opened in Hong Kong at the Peninsula Hotel and at the LandmarkCenter in August 1988 and March 1989, respectively. Taipei saw the opening of a store in1990, as did Singapore (at the Raffles Hotel), Frankfurt, and Toronto in 199l. Also in l991, the London store was expanded.In l992, Tiffany opened five new boutiques in Japan, and two new boutiques were opened by an independent retailer in Korea. Early 1993 saw continued international growth, with the opening of two more boutiques in Japan, a second store in Singapore's NgeeAnnCity, two boutiques by independent retailers in Saipan and the Philippines, and the expansion of the Peninsula Hotel store in Hong Kong. Exhibit 5 shows the growth in the number of Tiffany stores and boutiques around the world from 31 to 79, implying a 250% increase from 1987 t o 1993.These 79 retail locations included l6stores in the United States,56 stores in the Far East,6stores in Europe, and l store in Canada, all of which ranged in size from700 to 13,OOO gross square feet, with a total of approximately 127,OOO gross square feet devoted to retail purposes. Tiffany's worldwide capital expenditures were $22. 8 million in FY l992. compared with $41. 4 million in FY 1991. These expenditures were primarily for the opening of new stores and boutiques and the expansion of existing stores.Management anticipated capital expenditures to drop further to $18. O million in FY l993 before rebounding to approximately $25. O million in FY 1994. Management also expected to open four or five new stores per year in the foreseeable future. To support future expansion plans, and fluctuations in seasonal working capital needs, management planned to rely upon internally generated funds and a $100 million noncollateralized revolving credit facility available at interest rate s based upon Eurodollar rates, a prime rate, certificate of deposit rates, or money market rates.As in the past, cash dividends were expected to be maintained at a relatively moderate level, which would permit the company to retain a majority of its earnings. Impetus for Change in the Japanese Operations While Tiffany found new market potential across the globe, nowhere was let as promising as in Japan, where Tiffany’s sales accounted for only 1% of the $20 billion Japanese jewelry market. The thriving Japanese economy of the late l980s and very early 1990s stimulated a booming demands for certain types of expensive and glamorous Western goods.Among these were Tiffany products, principally those of the fine jewelry line marketed toward older women. However, as the Japanese economy finally slowed and Japanese consumers became more cautious in their spending, the demand for Tiffany's luxury items also slumped. In response to soft consumer demand in Japan, Mitsukoshi cut back on Tiffany inventory levels. Mitsukoshi’s wholesale purchases from Tiffany-Japan declined from 23%of Tiffany's total sales in FY 199l to 15%in FY1992. Declining wholesale shipments were also accompanied by a small decline in gross margin from 49. %in FY1991 t0 48. 7%in FY 1992. Despite lackluster consumer demand in the first half of FY 1993, however, Tiffany continued to believe that Japanese sales had attractive long-run growth potential. It was for this reason that Tiffany sought greater control over its future in Japan and ultimately decided to restructure its Japanese operations. From 1972 through July1993, Mitsukoshi acted as the principal retailer of Tiffany products in Japan, purchasing selected goods from Tiffany-Japan on a wholesale basis.Mitsukoshi sold the products on a retail basis to the Japanese consumer, realizing profits in the form of relatively higher retail prices. Since the wholesale transactions were denominated entirely in dollars, fluctuations in the yen/ dollar exchange rate did not represent a source of volatility for Tiffany's expected cash flows. Instead, Mitsukoshi bore the risk of any exchange rate fluctuations that took place between the time it purchased the inventory from Tiffany and when it finally made cash settlement.Typically, Tiffany merchandise sold by Mitsukoshi was priced at a substantial premium (l00% in some cases) over the domestic U. S. retail price for such merchandise. The new agreement between the two companies, however, fundamentally changed both companies' financial situations. In repurchasing the merchandise previously sold by Tiffany to Mitsukoshi, Tiffany-Japan assumed new responsibility for establishing yen retail prices, holding inventory in Japan for sale, managing and funding local advertising and publicity programs, and controlling local Japanese management.Mitsukoshi on the other hand, would no longer be an independent retailer of Tiffany products but would still receive fees equaling 27% of net ret ail sales in compensation for providing boutique facilities, sales staff, collection of receivables, and security for store inventory. With greater control over retail sales in its Japanese operations, Tiffany looked forward to long-run improvement in its performance in Japan despite continuing weak local economic conditions. However, increased sales and profits were not the only changes that Tiffany could anticipate as a result of the new agreement.Tiffany now faced the risk of foreign currency fluctuations previously borne by Mitsukoshi. Past history warned Tiffany that the yen/dollar exchange rate could be quite volatile on a year-to-year and even month-10-month, basis. Exhibit 6 illustrates the significant strengthening of the yen against the dollar during the l O years ending in 1993. While a continuation of this strengthening would enhance the dollar value of Tiffany's yen denominated cash inflows, there was the distinct possibility that the yen might eventually become overval ued and crash suddenly, just as the U.S dollar in 1985. Indeed,there was some evidence that the yen was overvalue against the dollar in 1993 (see Exhibit 7) Hedging to Manage Foreign Exchange Risk The possibility of sharp, unexpected movements in the yen/dollar exchange rate had prompted Tiffany’s management to study the desirability of engaging in a program to manage exchange rate risk. To reduce exchange rate risk on its yen cash flows, Tiffany had two basic alternatives available to it. One was to enter into forward agreements to sell yen for dollars at a predetermined price in the future.The other was to purchase yen put options. The terms at which Tiffany could purchase forward contracts and put options, along with other financial market data, are shown in Exhibit 8. Before committing Tiffany to a hedging program, management wanted to be sure it understood what the potential risks and rewards were for each of these so-called â€Å"derivative† instruments. Perhaps more importantly, it was essential to determine whether or not a risk management program was appropriate for Tiffany, what it objectives should be, and how much, if any, exposure should be covered. pic] This included a $ 75 million secured revolving credit facility; a $10 million, 16% subordinated note due in 1992; and common stock warrants to purchase approximately 25% of the company’s equity on a fully diluted basis. Prior to Mitsukoshi’s purchase of Tiffany’s common stock from GECC, Tiffany and Mitsukoshi entered into an agreement by which Mitsukoshi agreed not purchase in excess of 19. 9% of Tiffany’s issued and outstanding common shares. This agreement would expire on September 31, 1994.Due to the significant number of Tiffany boutiques already operating in Japan, future openings there were expected to occur only at very modest rate, if at all, in the near-term future. Tiffany’s business was seasonal in nature, with the fourth quarter typicall y representing a proportionally greater percentage of annual sales, income from operations, and net income. In FY 1992, net sales totaled & 107,238,000, $120,830,000, $105,897,000, and $152,431,000 for the first, second, third, and fourth quarters, respectively. Management expected this pattern to continue in the future.Tiffany management believed that a retail price reduction in Japan of 20% to 25% would likely result in a substantial increase in unit volume of jewelry sales. The repurchase of inventory by Tiffany necessitated the reversal of $115 million in sales and related gross profit previously recognized on merchandise sold to Mitsukoshi. Accordingly, Tiffany recorded a gross profit previously recognized $57. 5 million reserve to provide for product returns. , which reduced the second fiscal quarter’s (ended July 31, 1993) net income by approximately $32. 7 million, or $2. 7 per share. Of the $115 million of sales being reversed, only $52. 5 million of inventory held i n Mitsukoshi boutiques was actually repurchased during the month of July 1993 (Mitsukoshi agreed to accept a deferred payment on $25 million of this repurchased boutique inventory, which was to be repaid in yen on a quarterly basis with interest of 6% per annum over the next 4 1/2 years). Approximately $62. 5 million of Tiffany & Company inventory maintained in Mitsukoshi warehouses would be repurchased throughout the period ending February 28, 1998.Payment for this warehouse inventory was to be made in yen 40 days following actual receipt of the inventory. Fees were reduced to 5% on certain high-value jewelry items repurchased from Mitsukoshi. Tiffany Japan would also pay Mitsukoshi incentive fees equal to 5% of the amount by which boutique sales increase year-to-year. Calculated on a per – boutique basis. In Tokyo, Tiffany boutiques could be established only in Mitsukoshi’s stores, and Tiffany-brand jewelry could be sold only in such boutiques (though Tiffany-Japan r eserved the right to open a single flagship store inTokyo). ===============================================================================[ ] The suggested questions †¢ In what way(s) is Tiffany exposed to exchange-rate risk subsequent to its new distribution agreement with Mitsukoshi? How serious are these risks? †¢ Should Tiffany actively manage its yen-dollar exchange-rate risk? Why or why not? †¢ If Tiffany were to manage exchange-rate risk activity, what should be the objectives of such a program? Specifically, what exposures should be actively managed? How much of these exposures should be covered, and for how long? As instruments for risk management, what are the chief differences of foreign-exchange options and forward or futures contracts? What are the advantages and disadvantages of each? Which, if either, of these types of instruments would be most appropriate for Tiffany to use if it chose to manage exchange-rate risk? †¢ How should Tiffany organize itself to manage its exchange-rate risk? Who should be responsible for executing its hedges? Who should have oversight responsibility for this activity? What controls should be put in place?

Comparative Study Between Waiting for Mahatma and Kanthapura

TITLE :- COMPARISON BETWEEN THE IMAGES OF ‘GANDHI’ IN KANTHAPURA AND WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA Name :- Purbita Bhattacharya M. A. 1ST SEMESTER ROLL :- ME 110042 PAPER – 2 SUPERVISED BY :- PROF. CHANDRANATH ADHIKARY The novel WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA deals with the story of a young man named Sriram whose life revolves round the influence of Mahatma on him during the years of Indian Freedom Struggle. In his age of twenty he meets a girl named Bharati, an ardent Gandhi follower and was collecting money for some funds. Her life is pretty much revolving around Gandhiji and his movement.By presenting Mahatma realistically in town Narayan has portrayed a concrete image of Gandhi. The people of Malgudi can see Gandhi, can touch him and even can spend time with him by attending his lectures and the shavas. Narayan, here, through this novel has shown the down-to-earth image of Gandhi. He comes to town, moves on his own whims and fancies, does not stay at the guest house nor wi th the rich persons, and prefers to stay in the untouchable colony, gives speeches and also meets with people. Even in this novel we are shown that Bharati takes Sriram to meet Gandhiji. And Sriram is told to do what Bharati tells him.She becomes his ‘Guru’. Later, Sriram moves to cave in hills, gets deeper into the Quit India Movement, tries to force the marriage issue with Bharati but gets rejected. Then he gets involved with a terrorist called Jagadish – who is wanted by the police. He visits his grandmother in disguise who survives a death scare and is rescued off dramatically in her funeral pyre when her toes start wiggling. Then Sriram gets arrested at the burial grounds and goes to jail. His only solace is that Bharati is also in jail somewhere. In jails he meets many different types of criminals and is finally released after the British leaves India.Then he again meets Bharati who invites him to Delhi. He there proposes her again and they seek the blessin g of Mahatma who promises to perform their wedding himself on the very next morning. On the next morning they go to the prayer meeting where a person rushes up to the stage to the Mahatma and shoots him. â€Å"WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA† dwells on the freedom struggle, the Mahatma and his ways, and the kind of an impact he had on the youth in those days. By the physical presence of Gandhi, Narayan brings up many arguments through different characters, those who embrace a violent route and those who follow Gandhiji.But such was the power of his conviction that they followed him and his words to death. â€Å"Love the enemy, and then will he change†, said Gandhiji and they all tried to love their enemy. They practiced non-violence, spun the charka and made khadi, shunned all foreign things, behaved like true Satyagrahis – all at an age when they would hardly understand the true importance of what they are doing. Gandhiji’s take on untouchability is shown impact ing Sriram as he wonders how his grandmother ill treats the boy who comes to clean the road.The much sacrifices were demanded from the youth and his followers, and they did try to be the perfect examples of what Gandhiji had asked for them. The Abstractness of Gandhi’s Image in â€Å"KANTHAPURA† by Raja Rao Till now we were concentrating on the concrete image and impact of Gandhi through Narayan’s â€Å"WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA†. Now in comparison with this image I have chosen â€Å"KANTHAPURA† , by Raja Rao, which also shows the impact of Gandhi on the villagers but not by his physical presence, but by the presence of Gandhi in the villagers’ mind.They have never seen Gandhi, but they are familiar by the name of Gandhi as the image of ‘God’. â€Å"KANTHAPURA† is also a document of the National Struggle of India for Independence. The man, who is struggling and bringing out the image and influence of Gandhi to the villager s, is Moorthy. Like â€Å"WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA† , â€Å"KANTHAPURA† was also written before Independence and is dealing with the magic of Gandhianism that changes India from a somnolent to an unquestionable battle ground for British Raj. Kanthapura is a village as traditional and self sufficient as any other Indian village.But the first sign of disturbance comes from outside but is brought to them by their own beloved Moorthy – a Gandhi-man. The villagers’ love for Harikatha is gently subverted by him and made into a tool to spread the message of nationalism and Gandhi’s principle. Jayaramachar, a popular harikatha singer sings the myth of Gandhi and his divinely task of driving the ‘red man’ from our land. Slowly the entire community warms up against the British rule. With the principle of non violence sullied by the villagers Moorthy – like the Mahatma – undergoes fasting, ritualistic purification in temple.Raja Rao has presented Gandhiji as a myth to the villagers of Kanthapura. Gandhi, was like the mythological character to them. They have not seen Gandhi, but Moorthy seems to them similar to Gandhi. In him the villagers can find out their Gandhi. So that at the last phase of the novel we can see that Moorthy has been mythicised like Gandhi by his village people. The Comparative Study between the Gandhian Impact on both â€Å"WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA† and â€Å"KANTHAPURA† :- Gandhi is often being cited more as a matter of form and convenience than a deep conviction.The Gandhian impact on contemporary Indian literature has brought about results at various levels, and in various direction. As regards the writer’s choice of language, we have seen that one result of the Gandhian influence has been a general preference for the mother tongue or the regional language, and occasionally a purposeful bilingualism, the same writer handling his mastery his own mother tongue as well a s English.Besides whatever the language medium chosen, the stress has been more on simplicity and clarity and immediate effectiveness than on ornateness or profundity or laborious artistry, and this has been as marked in English writing as in writing in the regional languages. As regards the choice of themes and the portrayal of character, the Gandhian influence has been no less marked. There has been a more or less conscious shift of emphasis from the city to the village, or there is implied a contrast between the two – urban luxury and sophistication on the one hand and rural modes and manners on the other.R. K. Narayan, however makes Gandhi himself a character in â€Å"WAITING FOR THE MAHATMA†. Gandhi materially and directly affects the fortunes of Narayan’s heroine – Bharati, and her lover Sriram; and the novel ends with Gandhi’s death at the hands of an Asian on the way to prayer. Whereas Raja Rao has made Gandhi a mythical aspect in his novel â€Å"KANTHAPURA†. The villagers of Kanthapura sacrifice their all while following the Gandhian ideology. They were betrayed. Because Gandhiji, after meeting with the Viceroy, withdrawed the Boycott. But still they followed the way of Gandhianism towards Nationalism.CONCLUSION:- In both the novels by these contemporary writers we can see that Gandhiji laid stress again and again on moral and spiritual values in contrast to material achievement, although this had its place too; he knew that too much industrialization must spell disaster to the seven lacks of Indians villages; and he adopted the loin cloth and the Sevagram way of life because he felt that, for the teeming millions of Indians, no other life is possible – yet he knew that even such bare colourless life could be made reasonably full and purposive.Although for at least 60 years, at least Gandhi has been the subject of biographical and expository studies – J. J. Doke’s M. K. Gandhi : The Man Wh o Became One with the Universal Being followed 15 years after the approach of the Gandhi birth cenetary had understandably stimulated of late a greatly increased flow of Gandhian literature. Mahatma Gandhi : 100 years , edited by S.Radhakrishnan, was brought out by the Gandhi Peace Foundation in 1968, and contained numerous tributes by Gandhi’s friends and admirers, all over the world. While several contributors – Rajaji, Richard B. Gregg, Swami Ranganadhananda, B. N. Rau, G. Ramachandran – have tried to stress one or another aspect of Gandhi’s life and personality, many others have bemoaned the fact that Gandhianism is hardly a live force in India today.